But by that time relationships had been permanently damaged, and very few labour councils or federations have been able to regain the active involvement of construction unions. This is not caused by a lack of rhetoric. That may be a longer term discussion, but we don’t get there without taking first steps in the right direction. Yet it is clear that those practices are not universally applied. John Cartwright, the President of the Toronto and York Region Labour Council, Canada’s largest labour council, has written an open letter to the union movement which summarize key issues that need to be debated, addressed, and resolved in order to move forward. If leaders let personal grievances or institutional rivalry dominate the discussion, we will fail, and it may take years to heal the damage. In 2016, the United Nations adopted Target 8.7 as one of its Sustainable Development Goals, calling on all governments to take immediate and effective measures to end forced labour, modern slavery and human trafficking, as well as child labour in all its forms. As part of leadership of central labour bodies for a quarter century, I have seen the best and worst of our behaviour, and learned how hard it is to build and maintain solidarity among diverse unions and competing interests. It took more than ten years for the trades to return to the CLC. There is an urgent need to create an organizing culture in the Canadian labour movement.We cannot reverse the decline of union density and power unless far more resources – staff, money and leadership time – are devoted to organizing unrepresented workers. I have a deep foreboding of where this division can lead. What happens if another union is intentionally supporting the application, hoping to be the beneficiary of a displacement application? The ill-fated CLC review of organizing carried out some years ago had no real mandate, and offered no solutions because the political will of top leadership was lacking. I am cautiously optimistic that the foundation of our labour movement is solid enough to allow us to survive, and grow. Non-union workers and their families see our collective impact in their own cities, towns or regions. In the case at hand, the crisis is centred in Toronto and UNITEHERE Local 75, a large, diverse local with a militant history of organizing in the hotel and hospitality sectors in the Greater Toronto Area. Because at the end of the day, all politics are local. In Western Canada the idea of the Union became very strongly represented in labour and political movements. It is the largest in the country, with resources and membership larger than many provincial federations. 1940 – The Canadian Congress of Labour is founded following the expulsion of supporters of the Congress of Industrial Organizations from the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada in 1939 as a result of pressure from the American Federation of Labor. But by that time relationships had been permanently damaged, and very few labour councils or federations have been able to regain the active involvement of construction unions. In a handful of cases workers left to join another union in an orderly fashion overseen by the CLC. The real issue, Unifor’s disaffiliation from the CLC has massive implications for federations and labour councils across Canada – many have leaders from Unifor, and many rely on Unifor affiliation for their financial stability. Since then, many internationals have gone through a process of creating Canadian structures, which has led to those unions being able to authentically represent the interests and distinct union culture of Canadian members. Other long-simmering issues (parallel to the split in the late 1990s over similar issues involving CAW and SEIU) organizational issues have been raised in this critical moment. There's the fact that a majority of states — 28 — now also have those right-to-work laws. Some of this will only become clear with results from the recertification process and others will remain muddy and disputed. •. Now is the time to have a fierce debate across the entire CLC family about what “organizing to scale” would actually look like in the face of dramatic changes to the nature of work. A crisis has suddenly erupted within the Canadian labour movement, falling along old divisions of the movement’s archaic organizational structure, and assisted by the lack of any strategic focus or signs of even modest political ambitions beyond self-preservation in either the labour central or any of its affiliates. In reflecting on the current crisis, I draw on these experiences to suggest some key areas that need to be addressed by our movement. 5. However, a union being Canadian is by itself no guarantee of progressive or effective practice. I was elected as a Representative of Carpenters Local 27 in December of 1982. Fortunately, we have a different history, which includes a commitment to coalition work and a social democratic party that, despite its flaws, has been crucial to the extensive social policies and labour laws we enjoy. Some will opt to keep Unifor delegates and locals active, others will seek to remove them. It will take courage on all our parts to get through this. This crisis will severely affect labour councils. A vision of a powerful, effective, inclusive union movement of the future needs to be developed. There will be some bruises and setbacks along the way. The topic of union renewal is full of landmines, but absolutely necessary. This by contemporary standards could not be termed as labor movements. It is crucial for national unions that wish to enforce the removal of existing affiliates of labour council to ensure there is an alternative funding stream in place, by enforcing affiliation of all of their locals to labour councils. No group of workers should be held captive to an organization that does not serve their needs or respect their voice. I was elected as a Representative of Carpenters Local 27 in December of 1982. At its core is the question of labour power, commitment to real social unionism, and equity. Andrea Levy and André Frappier / December 21, 2018, David Camfield / October 7, 2016Syndicated. In 1914, the Workmen’s Compensation Act was established in Toronto. I have been both an antagonist and on the receiving end of raids, and both the Carpenters and Labourers have come under CLC sanction for raiding. These donations help to pay our bills, and honorariums for some of our writers, photographers and graphic artists. In reflecting on the current crisis, I draw on these experiences to suggest some key areas that need to be addressed by our movement. I work with and admire many colleagues in the United States, who are hamstrung by organizational and political decisions made by past generations. In this podcast, McDermott, who has been exploring the labour movement and its impact on women’s rights for 40 years, discusses the Eaton’s Strike, its place in Canada’s history and impact on the labour movement. Nobody doubts that there must be penalties to stop raiding but instead of immediately forcing Labour Councils into a divisive action, the CLC should allow time for everyone to digest the implications of this split before imposing an administrative answer to a deeply political problem. On January 17th, 2018 the Canadian labour movement was plunged into a crisis with the exit of Unifor from the Canadian Labour Congress and the launching of raids on bargaining units of UNITEHERE Local 75. They revolved around workforce rivalries, the relationship with the NDP, union democracy and Canadian autonomy. In that role I have been afforded the opportunity to meet with my counterparts in labour councils of all sizes, across the geography of this country. Important developments internal to the local and the international are clearly at play. Raiding has rightly been identified as a cancer in our movement. These issues threatened to blow up the 2017 CLC convention. Please help. The labor movement made efforts to stop child labor, give health benefits and provide help to workers who were injured ( Riggs, 2015, p. 1484 ). As we struggle with each other to find solutions to the current crisis, a vision of a powerful, effective, inclusive union movement of the future needs to arise. I have a deep foreboding of where this division can lead. But there are clear examples of the best commitment – Steelworkers and Postal Workers require mandatory affiliation, as did CAW before the creation of Unifor. Provides a comprehensive understanding of the contemporary structure, issues, and perceptions of labour unions and other forms of working-class organization and social movements. My union was locked into a jurisdictional war with Labourers Local 183, a bitter fight that broke out into all-out raiding many times over three decades. What happens if another union is intentionally supporting the application, hoping to be the beneficiary of a displacement application? Are the reasons given by UNITE’s International leadership for the trusteeship valid (internal divisions and the alleged meddling of Unifor)? Students may not hold credit for both LABR 1290 (153.129) and the former 153.128. I can honestly say that despite the tens of millions of dollars squandered in those efforts, the lives of workers have seldom been improved as a consequence. The recent split in the Canadian Labour Congress over organizational issues will inhibit the search to renew trade unions. Many are calling the Unifor actions a membership raid. This is hardly a time for internal division, a further entrenchment of competitive unionism, or ignoring the organizational impasse and strategic drift at the centre of the Canadian labour movement. They respond to pressures from their local constituents, not just rallies on Parliament Hill or provincial legislature. In addition to a loss of union jobs, globalization also accelerated Canada’s shift from a manufacturing to a service sector-dominated nation, further weakening prospects for organizing. There is an urgent need to create an organizing culture in the Canadian labour movement. As part of leadership of central labour bodies for a quarter century, I have seen the best and worst of our behaviour, and learned how hard it is to build and maintain solidarity among diverse unions and competing interests. It was bitter and divisive. This open letter is intended as an urgent call for leaders in our movement, at every level, to strive to find a solution to this potential rupture before it becomes irreparable. And to allow time to explore solutions before hardening differences. Raiding has rightly been identified as a cancer in our movement. And to allow time to explore solutions before hardening differences. However, a union being Canadian is by itself no guarantee of progressive or effective practice. We are part of the Employment and Social Development Canada portfolio. LABR 1290 - Introduction to the Canadian Labour Movement (Formerly 153.129) An introduction to the development of the contemporary working-class movement in Canada and to workplace issues today. Canada’s unions have a role to play in promoting fairness, equality and freedom from violence for all workers, regardless of age, race, religion, ability, sex, gender identity and gender expression, or sexuality. Sign up for our email newsletter and get our news and analysis delivered on the regular. In 1900, the Federal Department of Labour was established, putting William Lyon MacKenzie King as the first Minister of Labour. So, he says there are obstacles the labor movement faces shops with! Hudak-Style attack on the eve of the future needs to be the beneficiary of a powerful, effective, union. 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